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  3. The impact of occupational stereotypes in human-centered service systems | Emerald Insight

This was found to be discriminatory. Stereotypes related to violence persist even though studies show that most people with mental health disabilities are no more likely to engage in violent behaviour than the general population. People with mental health issues may also be perceived to lack the capacity to make decisions in their own best interests, even where this may not be the case.

Certain types of disabilities are more stigmatized than others due to the stereotypes associated with them. People with addictions may also experience particularly negative behaviour because of assumptions about how much they are personally responsible for their disability, and assumptions about their involvement with crime. Because of the extreme stigma around certain types of mental health disabilities and addictions, many people may be afraid to disclose their disability to others. They may worry about being labelled, experiencing negative attitudes from others, losing their jobs or housing, or experiencing unequal treatment in services after disclosing a mental health issue or addiction.

Fear of discrimination can also result in people not seeking support for a mental health issue or addiction. Negative attitudes, stereotyping and stigma can also lead to harassment towards people with psychosocial disabilities in the form of negative comments, social isolation and unwanted conduct including mental health profiling from employers, landlords, co-workers or service providers.

Lack of supportive services for persons with mental health disabilities, together with stigma and fear about these disabilities may lead to increased contact with police and may contribute to the criminalization of persons with mental health disabilities, an issue of great concern to many participants.

Organizations must take steps to address negative attitudes, stereotypes and stigma and to make sure they do not lead to discriminatory behaviour toward or treatment of people with psychosocial disabilities. Gorcak No. Skip to main content Skip to local navigation Skip to global navigation Skip to footer. Ableism, negative attitudes, stereotypes and stigma. Hypothesis 6: Age and stereotype reinforcement manipulated as organizational culture will interact to predict job appeal, self-rated job fit, and self-rated leadership potential. Specifically, older people will self-rate significantly less job appeal, job fit, and leadership potential in a younger stereotyped culture than in an older stereotyped culture.

Organizational culture will have no effect on younger people's job appeal, self-rated job fit or self-rated leadership potential. This research applies a well-established literature on stereotypes to the understanding of leadership potential and how it is subjectively perceived by individuals. In Study 1, we explore the relationship between stereotype endorsement and self-rated leadership potential. We then examine the effects of stereotype reinforcement i. All studies have ethical approval, following the authors' institutional psychology ethics process.

In Study 1, we test our Hypotheses 1—2 gender and 3—4 age , and analyze the mediation effects of stereotype endorsement on individuals' self-rated leadership potential. Participants were recruited via the online crowdsourcing platform Prolific. We recruited participants initially; 19 participants either failed the attention check, provided identifiable information or timed-out after 20 min so their data was not included in the analysis. Total participant numbers comprised men, women, and 2 participants who did not identify as either male or female 1.

The total number of participants included in the analysis was All participants were in full- or part-time employment in the UK. Study 1 adopted a correlational design. We measured the relationships between participant gender, endorsement of agentic and communal gender stereotypes, and self-rated leadership potential.

We also measured the relationships between participant age, endorsement of competence and warmth age stereotypes and self-rated leadership potential. Participants were invited to take part in an online survey on Qualtrics survey software to understand self-perceptions. They were informed that data would be treated confidentially, would be anonymized for publication, and that participation was voluntary and could be withdrawn at any time. Email contact details for two of the researchers were also supplied, and participants gave their informed consent by clicking to take part in the study.

Participants then completed the measures as defined below. Participants were finally presented with a full debrief of the study, and reminded of the researchers' contact details. Items indicating agentic traits were reverse-coded, these included: competitive, assertive, stronger, self-sufficient, independent, and confident. For example, higher scores on agentic stereotypes indicated attitudes that men are more agentic than women. Higher scores on communal stereotypes indicated attitudes that women are more communal than men. Given that no hypotheses were made about adaptability stereotypes and given that this scale had low reliability we did not include this subscale in the analyses reported below 3.

Competence had a low reliability and therefore the scale was reduced to 6 items, omitting the item on physical capability.

gender stereotypes

For example, a high score on competence stereotypes reflected attitudes that younger people are more competent than older people. A high score on warmth stereotypes indicated attitudes that older people are warmer than younger people. Ratings of one's own leadership potential was measured using 7 items three items adapted from Tresh et al. Means and standard deviations for all measures and the bivariate correlations between the variables are reported in Table 1.

We report the analyses by gender and then by age.

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We ran Pearson's bivariate correlations to establish the relationships between gender and endorsement of agentic stereotypes, endorsement of communal stereotypes and self-rated leadership potential. Although we found that men were more likely to endorse agentic stereotypes than women, this did not relate to self-rated leadership potential possibly because there was no difference between self-rated leadership potential for men and women. However, it is possible that for women who do endorse gender stereotypes, there is a negative relationship with self-rated leadership potential that does not occur for men.

To test this possibility, we conducted exploratory moderation analyses to test the interactive effects of endorsement of gender stereotypes and gender on self-rated leadership potential using model 1 in PROCESS, Hayes, We introduced gender stereotypes as predictors agentic in model 1, communal in model 2 , participant gender as a moderator, and perceptions of self-leadership potential as the outcome.

Results were non-significant see Table 2. To test Hypothesis 3, we ran Pearson's bivariate correlations to establish relationships between age and endorsement of competence stereotypes, endorsement of warmth stereotypes, and self-rated leadership potential. Younger workers rated more leadership potential in themselves and older workers rated less leadership potential in themselves. In partial support of Hypothesis 4, younger people were more likely to endorse competence stereotypes than older people, and contrary to Hypothesis 4, they were less likely to endorse warmth stereotypes than older people.

We found support for Hypothesis 3, younger people were associated with higher self-rated leadership potential. Furthermore, we found partial support for Hypothesis 4 because younger people were more likely to endorse competence stereotypes than older people. However, this did not relate to self-rated leadership potential. It is possible that for older workers who do endorse age stereotypes, there is a negative relationship with self-rated leadership potential that does not occur for younger workers.

We conducted exploratory moderation analyses to test the interactive effects of endorsement of age stereotypes and age on self-rated leadership potential using model 1 in PROCESS, Hayes, We introduced age stereotypes as predictors competence in model 1, warmth in model 2 , participant age as a moderator, and self-rated leadership potential as the outcome.

Results were non-significant see Table 3. Analyzing gender and age separately we found little evidence of a relationship between endorsing in-group stereotypes and reduced self-rated leadership potential for women and older people, respectively. What we did not examine is how the intersecting identities of these groups may respond to stereotypes with regards to either their age or gender.

The literature on discrimination toward older women indicates that a combined identity of being leadership-incongruent in terms of both gender and age may have more pronounced effects than being leadership-incongruent based on a single identity Duncan and Loretto, This is echoed in the healthcare context, where internalized negative stereotypes have a cumulative burden on older women, reducing health care seeking behaviors Chrisler et al. It is possible that the burden of negative stereotypes that relate to older women's gender and age have a similar effect on their self-rated potential to lead.

We conducted exploratory moderation analyses to test the main and interactive effects of gender and age, with endorsement of gender and age stereotypes, on self-rated leadership potential at the intersectional level of identity using model 3 in PROCESS, Hayes, In total, we tested four models: agentic stereotypes model 1 , communal stereotypes model 2 , competence stereotypes model 3 , and warmth stereotypes model 4. Results of the three-way interactions are reported in text because we are particularly interested in the intersection of age and gender, all other effects are reported in full in Table 4.

Study 1: three-way interaction between endorsement of stereotypes, participant gender and participant age on self-rated leadership potential. We introduced endorsement of agentic stereotypes as a predictor, and participant gender and participant age as moderators, with self-rated leadership potential as the outcome.

Results showed no main effects of endorsement of agentic stereotypes, participant gender, or participant age. There were no interaction effects. We introduced endorsement of communal stereotypes as a predictor, and participant gender and participant age as moderators, with self-rated leadership potential as the outcome. Results showed significant main effects of endorsement of communal stereotypes, participant gender, and participant age on self-rated leadership potential. All two-way interaction effects were significant.

We introduced endorsement of competence stereotypes as a predictor, and participant age and participant gender as moderators, with self-rated leadership potential as the outcome. Results showed a marginally-significant main effect of endorsement of competence stereotypes and significant main effects of participant gender and participant age on self-rated leadership potential. All two-way interactions were significant. We introduced endorsement of warmth stereotypes as a predictor, and participant age and participant gender as moderators, with self-rated leadership potential as the outcome.

Results showed significant main effects of endorsement of warmth stereotypes, participant gender, and participant age on self-perceived leadership potential. The results of Study 1 demonstrate the effects of leadership-incongruent stereotypes across gender and age groups on self-rated leadership potential. Across the age stereotypes, the effects were negative for older people but this was dependent on gender. Specifically, endorsing stereotypes about older people's warmth was associated with reduced self-rated leadership potential for older men but not older women. Furthermore, endorsing stereotypes about older people's competence was associated with reduced self-rated leadership potential for older women but not older men.

Nonetheless, older women had higher self-rated leadership potential the more they endorsed communal stereotypes about women, something that younger women did not benefit from.

Interestingly, endorsing stereotypes about women's communality was associated with high self-rated leadership potential in younger men. None of the stereotypes related to self-rated leadership potential for younger women. Overall, the results indicate that endorsing stereotypes about both gender and age have some negative impact on older people but not younger people. We found that gender was not directly related to self-rated leadership potential. Although this failed to support Hypothesis 1, results revealed that men are more likely to endorse agency-based gender stereotypes, partially supporting Hypothesis 2, but this did not translate to higher self-rated leadership potential.

In support of Hypothesis 3, we found that age was directly related to self-rated leadership potential. Although younger people were more likely to endorse competency-based age stereotypes, we did not find a mediation effect, failing to support Hypothesis 4. Our exploratory analyses shed light on intersectionality issues. There was no negative interaction of gender or age stereotypes for neither younger men nor younger women.

For younger men this would be expected given that gender stereotypes are leadership-congruent based on both their gender and age. However, we would expect gender stereotypes to interact for self-rated leadership potential for younger women to some degree because their gender but not age identity is leadership-incongruent. Perhaps in this study the salience of their age counteracted the negative effects of gender stereotypes, something to investigate in future research.

Age interacted with both age stereotypes and gender stereotypes. Endorsing age stereotypes around competency was detrimental for older women in terms of self-rated leadership potential, compared to their male and younger counterparts. Endorsement of warmth stereotypes had a potentially negative relationship with self-rated leadership potential for older men. Perhaps for older men, the warmth associated with aging becomes more salient than the agency associated with their gender. This was the opposite for older women, whose self-rated leadership potential increased when they endorsed communal traits about women.

Interestingly, agency-based gender stereotypes had no interactive effects. Perhaps the nuances in the intersectional identities of these groups warrants further exploration. For example, intersectional identities become embedded within one another, interacting to form one unique identity through which inequality is experienced Harnois, ; Martin et al.

Our findings could be explained by a generational difference between our participant groups. That is, older people may be more sensitive to all societal stereotypes than younger people. Our findings may also reflect the gendered nature of age stereotypes which may explain why age stereotypes were related to self-rated leadership potential differently for older men and older women. Martin et al. We found older men who endorse this, indicated by endorsement of older people's warmth, have lowered self-rated leadership potential.

Although we did not find a relationship between gender and self-rated leadership potential, we found this relationship for age. However, typical organizational cultures are often stereotypically masculine and younger with respect to the organizational norms, attitudes and behaviors endorsed within the workplace. As women and older people make decisions about job opportunities, these stereotyped cultures are likely to become more salient Cochran et al. We examine the role of stereotyped organizational cultures for women and older people's self-rated leadership potential in Studies 2 and 3.

We recruited participants through Prolific crowdsourcing platform. All participants were in full- or part-time employment. The study adopted a 2 Participant gender men vs. Participant gender was a between-participants variable, whereas workplace culture was a within-participants variable. Dependent variables measured job appeal, job fit and self-rated leadership potential. Participants were invited to take part in an online survey on Qualtrics exploring people's job choices. They were provided with the same consent information as in study 1 and gave informed consent by clicking to continue.

Participants were presented randomly with the masculine or feminine workplace culture condition first or second. In each condition, participants initially viewed a fictional online job advert for a leader in a UK-based company. The descriptors used in the masculine workplace condition were: independent, competitive, confident, assertive , and providing autonomy ; those used for the feminine workplace condition were: cooperative, warm, supportive, connecting with people , and providing communality.

Descriptors were sourced from the existing literature e.


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No other information on the type of employer, such as size or industry, was included. Participants completed a manipulation check and dependent measures after each advert before reviewing both adverts again and answering dependent measure choice-questions. Participants completed demographic questions on age, gender and ethnic origin and were finally presented with a full debrief. Job appeal was measured using 5 items adapted from Gaucher et al. Job fit was measured using 4 items adapted from Gaucher et al.

To test the interaction between gender and gender-stereotyped organizational culture on self-rated leadership potential for men and women, we conducted a repeated-measures ANOVA with gender men vs. All means and standard deviations for Study 2 are reported in Table 5 and correlations in Table 6. Study 2: means and standard deviations for job appeal, job fit, and self-rated leadership potential. Study 2: correlation matrix for job appeal agentic and communal , job fit agentic and communal , and self-rated leadership potential agentic and communal.

To test the intersectional effects of gender stereotyped organizational culture on self-rated leadership potential, we conducted an exploratory analysis using participant age as a continuous moderator using model 1 in PROCESS, Hayes, We introduced gender as the predictor, participant age as a continuous moderator variable. To test the interaction of participant gender and participant age on the dependent variables job appeal in models 1—2, job fit in models 3—4, and self-rated leadership potential in models 5—6 , we ran the moderations independently for each culture masculine culture in models 1, 3, 5 and feminine culture in models 2, 4, 6.

We found two interesting and unexpected findings in Study 2. First, there was an overall preference for the feminine organizational culture across both genders. This finding partially supports Hypothesis 5, women preferred the feminine organizational culture, but men's preference for the feminine organizational culture was not hypothesized. This preference may reflect a general orientation toward less hierarchical and more cooperative workplace cultures in recognition of the benefits this can bring in terms of performance and commitment e.

Second, and contrary to Hypothesis 1, women self-rated higher leadership potential than men. This reflects the nature of the findings in Study 1- women do not rate less leadership potential in themselves compared to men. Although assessments of leadership potential in others are affected by gender to the detriment of women Tresh et al.

The limited age range of our participants may provide an explanation for why we did not replicate the intersectional effects found in Study 1. Further research is warranted with a representative sample of older people to determine these effects. Organizational culture had the biggest impact on women in terms of perceived fit—although both women and men perceived more fit in the feminine organizational culture, this difference was greater for women. Our conclusion can be framed positively—even when women perceive low organizational fit, this does not reduce their self-rated of leadership potential.

However, research on women's career progression suggests that low organizational fit inhibits access to informal networks, inclusion, and stretch opportunities Simpson, Nonetheless, high self-rated leadership potential in younger women may reflect the apparent leadership advantage and disadvantage—the progress made toward gender equality coupled with lack of achievement in fully reaching it Eagly, Overall, the findings of Study 2 partially support our hypotheses. Women, and also men, prefer a stereotypically feminine organizational culture.

Women self-rated higher leadership potential than men, though the intersectional nature of this should be determined. Whereas, endorsing gender stereotypes did not interact to predict self-rated leadership potential for younger women, both gender and age stereotypes interacted to predict self-rated leadership potential for older women. Furthermore, older men are potentially negatively affected in terms of self-rated leadership potential by the warmth attributed to older people. In this study, we extend societal stereotypes to reinforced workplace stereotypes to test Hypothesis 6. We recruited participants through Prolific.

The Study adopted a 2 Participant age younger vs. Participant age was a between-participants variable, whereas workplace culture was a within-participants variable. Dependent variables measured job appeal, job fit, and self-rated leadership potential. The procedure for study three mirrored that for study two. The only difference was the manipulation of workplace culture, which was operationalized to reflect younger and older workplace cultures rather than masculine and feminine cultures. The descriptors used in the younger workplace condition were: keen, energetic, ambitious, willing to learn , and fast learner ; those used for the older workplace condition were experienced, mature, knowledgeable, professional , and provides stability.

Descriptors were sourced from the existing literature Posthuma and Campion, ; Swift et al. The measures adopted in study three replicate those used in study two, referring to age i. To test the interaction between age and age-stereotyped organizational culture on self-rated leadership potential for younger and older workers, we conducted a repeated-measures ANOVA with age younger workers vs. All means and standard deviations for Study 3 are reported in Table 7 and correlations in Table 8. Study 3: means and standard deviations for job appeal, job fit, and self-rated leadership potential.

Specifically, older people were more likely to want the job in the older organizational culture Specifically, older people were more likely to perceive that they would enjoy the job in the older organizational culture Specifically, older people were more likely to perceive a better fit in the older organizational culture Specifically, older people were more likely to perceive similarity to people in the older organizational culture To test the intersectional effects of age stereotyped organizational culture on self-rated leadership potential, we conducted an exploratory analysis using repeated-measures ANOVA with age and gender as between-participants variables and workplace culture as the within-participants variable.

This resulted in 28 younger men, 65 younger women, 21 older men, and 75 older women. Contrary to hypothesis 3, we found no relationship between age and self-rated leadership potential in this study. Furthermore, we found no interaction effects between organizational culture and participant age on self-rated leadership potential.

There are two possible reasons for this. First, this could suggest that endorsing in-group stereotypes has a stronger effect than reinforcing stereotyped organizational culture on self-rated leadership potential. Stereotype embodiment theory Levy, argues that age stereotypes are assimilated from the surrounding culture from childhood, and so it may be that the general societal context has more influence on age-based stereotyped thinking than the specific organizational context. Our hypotheses about the strength of effects for endorsement of societal stereotypes vs.

Second, the non-significant findings for self-rated leadership potential could also reflect a difference in the impact of different types of age-based stereotypes. The warmth-competence stereotype characteristics used in Study 1 may have greater influence on self-rated leadership potential than the alternative age stereotype characteristics used in Study 3; this potential difference could be addressed further in future research. In support of Hypothesis 6, we observed interaction effects for job appeal and job fit, replicating our findings on the effects of stereotyped organizational culture on women's perceptions of organizational fit as found in Study 2.

Additionally in this study, older workers, unlike women, also found the age-congruent organizational culture more appealing. The greater impact of workplace stereotypes on older workers compared to women may reflect the difference between gender and age stereotypes—gender is mostly fixed whereas age is fluid, and so negative older-age stereotypes become more self-relevant as people age. For instance, older workers may not necessarily perceive themselves in line with old-age stereotypes stereotypes they perceive to be directed at other older people, Swift et al.

Research suggests that old-age stereotypes have to be self-relevant in order to have a detrimental effect on either attitudes or behavior Levy, ; Marques et al. The inclusion of gender as a potentially intersecting identity did not yield the intersectional effects found in Studies 1 and 2.

Gender did not interact with age and organizational culture to show a greater impact of organizational culture on older women compared to older men. However, this could reflect the nature of descriptors used in Study 3 compared to Study 1. Overall, we found partial support for our hypotheses across three studies. With respect to gender, and contrary to Hypothesis 1, we found that women self-rate the same amount Study 1 , if not more Study 2 , leadership potential than men.

However, women's ratings of job fit are influenced by organizational culture Hypothesis 5. With respect to age, we found a relationship between age and self-rated leadership potential Hypothesis 3 in Study 1 but not Study 3. Furthermore, organizational culture impacts older workers' perceptions of job fit and job appeal Hypothesis 6.

An important finding relates to the exploratory results on the inter-sectionality of gender and age in Study 1. We found evidence that both gender and age stereotypes have a greater impact on older people compared to younger people. We also found that age stereotypes relate to self-rated leadership potential differently for older men and older women. Namely, endorsing competency-based age stereotypes reduced self-rated leadership potential in older women but not older men. Endorsing warmth-based stereotypes reduced self-rated leadership potential in older men but not older women.

Notably, and perhaps unsurprisingly, younger men's self-rated leadership potential was advantaged by endorsing gender stereotypes about women being more communal than men. Surprisingly, younger women's self-rated leadership potential was not related to endorsing any stereotypes, which might reflect generational effects.

The more pronounced effects for older people compared to younger people may be explained by older people's lack of opportunity for leaving their low status group compared to younger people Garstka et al. This is particularly likely for older women who are stereotypically leadership-incongruent based on their gender and age.

We examined the effects for older people in Study 3. Older people self-rated less job appeal and less job fit in the younger culture. The limited representation of older people in Study 2 made it difficult to draw conclusions about the intersectional effects, particularly for older women. Also, the limited representation of men in Study 3 also made examining the intersectional effects more challenging. Based on the intersectional effects observed in Study 1, these warrant further investigation.

We contribute to three areas of research in social psychology. First, we extend research on stereotypes to reveal the impact of societal and organizational stereotypes on gender and age groups. Second, we introduce a new perspective for examining the subjectivity of leadership potential, looking at antecedents of self-rated leadership potential as opposed to evaluators' perceptions of a target's leadership potential.

Finally, we shed light on the effects of stereotypes at the intersectional level of gender and age. We contribute to the stereotypes literature by highlighting the significant and interactive role of agentic and communal gender stereotypes and competence and warmth age stereotypes. The findings suggest that, it may not be endorsing the stereotype that women and older people are too communal or warm, it may instead be the focus on the extent to which the stereotype is leader in congruent which relates to self-rated leadership potential.

We cannot however generalize these findings to evaluator-driven research and instead conclude that this has been found in our target-driven research. Research has shown that the gender gap is greater in masculine-stereotyped domains, evidencing an effect of stereotyped organizational culture on evaluators' perceptions Elesser and Lever, We did not find this for self-ratings of leadership potential, however, we did find this for self-rated organizational fit.

We cannot determine from our data whether societal stereotypes or stereotyped organizational cultures have more impact on women in general, because women self-rated as much, and more, leadership potential than men. However, the impact of societal stereotypes may in fact be more detrimental than organizational stereotypes because they may be likely to have more of an impact at earlier stages of women's careers.

For example, endorsing stereotypes that disassociate women from leadership may discourage women from prioritizing leadership attainment in career planning. For women who are not deterred from pursuing leadership roles, their leadership ambition may counteract perceptions of organizational fit to pursue their potential to lead. This rationale would certainly support our findings. For older people, particularly older women, the role of societal stereotypes likely affects the extent to which they feel efficacy to change fields or train in an alternate profession.

Research has documented the immediate effects of receiving feedback about one's leadership potential on performance and ambition Steffens et al. Thus, frequent career cues such as workplace stereotypes, potential and performance evaluations are likely to have a stronger impact than job advertisements. Our exploratory analyses at the intersectional level demonstrates the complex ways in which stereotypes can influence their targets. The results of our research demonstrating that younger women are less affected by gender stereotypes than older women highlight the need for further research to examine other high-level and low-level intersecting identities.

What impact do gender and racial stereotypes have on minority ethnic women's perceptions of their own leadership potential in comparison to white women? It is likely that, as with older women, the detrimental effects for minority ethnic women are more prominent Mirza, This warrants further empirical exploration and emphasizes the need for organizations to address diversity and equality as issues of intersectionality that have otherwise focused on white women for gender initiatives and black men for race initiatives Ghavami and Peplau, Our first study demonstrated clear intersectional interactions on self-rated leadership potential for older women in particular.

However, the cross-sectional data of this study limits our conclusions. Although we expect that endorsing leadership-incongruent stereotypes about one's identity would reduce self-rated leadership potential, we cannot conclude the causal nature of this relationship. Studies 2 and 3 provide experimental tests, but future research should continue to uncover the underlying causal mechanisms with representative groups across ages and gender to examine the intersectional effects with A-priori hypotheses.

Studies 2 and 3 used experimental vignettes to manipulate workplace culture. There is evidence of a relationship between vignettes and real-life situations e. Nonetheless, and given the novel findings, further research would benefit from complementary studies which consider the workplace cultures that people experience on a daily basis. We also designed our experiments to investigate the effects of gender stereotypes and age stereotypes independently, this should be considered in relation to the inclusion of our intersectional exploratory analysis, where the older age category could be better represented in Study 2.

It is possible that participants were aware of the nature of our hypotheses, as endorsement of stereotypes were asked explicitly in Study 1 and the within-participants design of Studies 2 and 3 could allow for comparisons to be drawn easily between the two organizational cultures. We recommend the use of deception checks for future research.

Our hypotheses were such that identity-incongruent stereotyped organizational cultures would reduce women's and older people's self-rated leadership potential. We did not support these hypotheses and also did not determine causes of these null effects.

Stereotypes stereotype threat and self fulfilling prophecies - MCAT - Khan Academy

In Study 1 we measured endorsement of stereotypes, and in Studies 2 and 3 we manipulated stereotyped organizational culture. Therefore, we have not directly compared the effects of stereotype endorsement vs. Future research should address two limitations.

The impact of occupational stereotypes in human-centered service systems | Emerald Insight

First, experimentally compare societal stereotypes and organizational culture to identify which has greater effects on self-rated leadership potential, or if there is an interactive effect. Second, examine why, given stereotyped organizational culture affects women's and older people's perceptions of organizational fit, it does not have detrimental outcomes for self-rated leadership potential. Finally, we limited our examination of the role of stereotypes on women and older people's self-rated leadership potential. Stereotypes are likely to have similar effects for other protected characteristics such as ethnicity, disability, particularly at the intersectional level also for other potential factors e.

We have contributed to a growing interest in the impact of bias on the targets of prejudice and the social-psychological variables contributing to the subjective nature of leadership potential. If women and older people are to be perceived as future leaders by others, they should first be able to perceive themselves as future leaders, without the constraints of societal stereotypes. Overall, promising findings indicate that stereotypes may be having less impact on younger women than their older counterparts. All experiments were carried out in accordance with the recommendations of the School of Psychology Ethics Committee at the University of Kent, United Kingdom.

The protocol was approved by the School of Psychology Ethics Committee. All participants gave written informed consent in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki. FT and BS conceived the presented research hypotheses and design. GR initiated the collaborative study of target group members' perceptions of their own leadership potential. GR and AL provided theory development and feedback on research designs. FT led on the data analysis and writing of the paper, supported by BS in both respects. GR and AL advised on analytical methods and provided critical feedback on drafts of the paper.

All authors helped shape the overall research, with research ideas partially grounded in earlier work by HS and AP. The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Journal List Front Psychol v. Front Psychol. Published online Apr Leite , Hannah J. Swift , and Abigail Player. Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer. This article was submitted to Organizational Psychology, a section of the journal Frontiers in Psychology.

Received Sep 14; Accepted Mar The use, distribution or reproduction in other forums is permitted, provided the original author s and the copyright owner s are credited and that the original publication in this journal is cited, in accordance with accepted academic practice. No use, distribution or reproduction is permitted which does not comply with these terms. Abstract Previous research has examined the impact of stereotypes on outcomes such as career progression and hiring decisions. Keywords: gender, age, stereotypes, organizational culture, leadership potential.

Associated Data

Introduction In order to maintain competitive advantage, organizations must identify and nurture people with high-potential to drive innovation Salau et al. Workplace Stereotypes and Leadership There is no evidence that the underrepresentation of women in leadership roles is caused by women having insufficient skillsets to assume leadership positions Gipson et al.


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Endorsing Ingroup Stereotypes Although high-status groups are more likely to endorse advantageous group stereotypes Finkelstein et al. Specifically: Hypothesis 1: There will be a relationship between gender and self-rated leadership potential, such that men vs. Reinforcing Ingroup Stereotypes Evidence suggests that a context in which negative gender and age stereotypes are salient can have an immediate effect on women and older people's behavior.

Overview of Research This research applies a well-established literature on stereotypes to the understanding of leadership potential and how it is subjectively perceived by individuals. Study One In Study 1, we test our Hypotheses 1—2 gender and 3—4 age , and analyze the mediation effects of stereotype endorsement on individuals' self-rated leadership potential. Method Participants and Design Participants were recruited via the online crowdsourcing platform Prolific. Procedure and Materials Participants were invited to take part in an online survey on Qualtrics survey software to understand self-perceptions.

Self-Rated Leadership Potential Ratings of one's own leadership potential was measured using 7 items three items adapted from Tresh et al. Results Means and standard deviations for all measures and the bivariate correlations between the variables are reported in Table 1. Table 1 Study 1: means, standard deviations and correlation matrix for specified variables. Agentic stereotypes 4.